During UPA1
(2004-09), growth rates zoomed & there was a “feel good” factor around. The
RTI (Right to Information) Act gave UPA 1 as well as the NAC (National advisory
council) much needed credibility. The question of “dual power centres” was
raised only in hushed tones and it had not reached a crescendo yet. High growth
rates and higher tax revenue thereof gave the government room to spend more on
social security- doles in short like the MNREGA which increased rural per
capita incomes and hence spurred higher consumption which delighted the private
sector. Deeper penetration into rural became the mantra for the private sector
thereby blurring the urban rural divide in terms of aspirations & goods
bought there-off. The Indo-US nuclear deal pushed through by the PM, Manmohan
Singh, gave the government an image of a progressive regime keen on ensuring the
energy security of India. The middle class saw one amongst themselves at the
high seat of democracy, in the PM’s chair, and applauded his actions. He was
“Maun Mohan” but had not got that sobriquet yet; he was seen to be acting if
not speaking. People were optimistic of
a better future. The electorate reposed their faith in the government of the
day and UPA-II happened.
Yet in all
such optimism, what was forgotten was that the best time to implement reforms
is when the going is good and not necessarily when hit by a crisis-of the 1991
kind. This is the minimum expected from a pragmatic & visionary leadership.
While higher growth and the “trickle-down effect” leads to a spurt in per
capita incomes and jobs thereof, the higher tax revenues as a consequence of
higher growths help governments to augment social security spends. This if
supported through good execution enhances goodwill of the incumbent increasing
the probability of the dispensation being voted back to power-an avowed aim of
every party. However the government was
guilty of inaction on several fronts-subsidy reduction, passenger fare
rationalization, at al. In fact oil subsidy reduction measures, initiated by
the NDA government were discontinued. Railways under Lalu and subsequently
other leaders of the UPA coalition saw no upside in passenger fares. All this
and more led to the catastrophe that followed a few years later. The financial
crisis of 2008, an international phenomenon, only made matters worse.
As per the research conducted by Neelkanth
Mishra, director Equity Research, Credit Suisse most important reforms took six
to eight years from conceptualisation to having a meaningful impact on economic
growth and jobs. As an example, the government started work of national
highways in 1998 and the Cabinet approved the first phase in 2001, but road
length constructed started to become meaningful only by 2004-05 & the true
economic impact in terms of enhanced inter-state trade was felt a few years
later. Likewise in private sector insurance, the interim regulator was set up
in 1996, and the regulator (Irda) in 1998 while the companies then took a few
years to be approved and formed, it was only after 2004 that these companies
grew large enough for their hiring to become meaningful. The Electricity Act of 2003, which triggered the substantial increase in private
sector capacity in power generation, only started to show up in accelerated
power capacity addition by 2010-11, eight years late. Numerous other reforms
show such lags too, like the impact of banking regulation changes, the
introduction of value-added tax, and opening of the telecom sector. By the same
logic, it would be fair to infer that inaction on the reform process during
2004-09 came to haunt the UPA-II government. Many actions of the UPA-I such as
shifting of goalposts in the 2G issue, lack of putting in place an auction
mechanism for coal block allocation which ultimately led to the coal-gate scam
made matters worse.
While the inaction
of UPA-I was as responsible for the drop in growth in UPA-II as much as the fragile
international environment, the government, unfortunately, has been depicting the
international forces as the sole villain. Surprisingly the government
appropriates the entire credit for the high growth during 2004-08 period
without giving due credit to the healthy global economy and the consequent
tailwinds that propelled the Indian economy during the said period but blames
the international headwinds for the despicable state of our economy now. The
current RBI governor Raghuram Rajan was more forthright when he said in an
interview that one third of the dip in the Indian growth rate was contributed
due to international forces and two third by domestic forces.
The blame game doesn’t end there. Apart from “international
financial headwinds”, the government is busy blaming an interventionist
Judiciary, an overzealous CAG and an unsupportive RBI for the mess. The reality
is that the problems lay elsewhere.
Let us look at each of
the three institutions who have been vilified by the government & evaluate
if there is any substance in the government’s grouse.
Judiciary- The government holds the judicial
activism in the 2G issue as an unnecessary intrusion into the executive’s
domain. The point to be noted is that the judiciary did not take up the issue
suo motto but was dragged into the fray as a consequence of an appeal by the
aggrieved parties.
The telecom industry went through a mess post the first round
of licences issued in mid-1990’s. The high licence fees quoted by the operators
and their consequent inability to pay them upfront created a precarious
situation. However, the NTP (New Telecom policy) of 1999 and the introduction
of “revenue share” regime brought the sector back on track. The Introduction of
CPP (Calling party pays) in 2003 led to the explosion of telecom penetration, which
was till then in single digits. TRAI, DOT and the telecom ministry were praised
for their interventions. Against this background, when UPA 1 initiated the
process of issuing new licences, people from their past experience
optimistically expected increased competition to lead to additional consumer
benefits & additional job creation.
The expectations could have been achieved but for the bureaucracy-Industry-ministry
nexus, the lust for “supernormal profits” by a select few & the “first come
first serve logic” with the attendant shifting of goalposts that led to the
telecom tangle. Needless to say, when aggrieved parties approach the judiciary,
the latter is duty bound to intervene to uphold the spirit of the law and not
shrug off their responsibility citing executive and legislative prerogative.
122 telecom licenses, rightly, were cancelled and telecom, which was a robust
and high growth sector till then ended in a mess. Is it therefore right to blame
the judiciary for the mess, when it was the executive’s flip flops that led to
its creation in the first place?
Following the clamour of “judicial restraint” by the
government, the judiciary perhaps took a “hands off” stand on the issue of the
legalisation of “homosexuality”. His
lordship revoked the Delhi High Court order that made homosexuality legal but
gave the government freedom to push through a legislative solution to the issue.
The dissenting voices across the political spectrum including a deafening
silence by some of the opposition parties on the important issue of the “third
gender” was disconcerting to say the least. The government of the day did not
show the spine to create a political consensus & work out a legislative
solution. Finally, the honourable Supreme
Court had to step in & provide a solution.
How can the government of the day prescribe judicial
intervention as necessity in one of the cases and proscribe the same in another
case?
The question that arises is whether the CAG extended its
constitutional brief or was he merely performing his duties. Even if he did
extend his brief, which I do not think he did, would it be wrong of a
constitutional authority to bring wrongdoings & policy deviations of the
government into the public domain? The CAG’s actions, whose constitutional
propriety are challenged by the government, were definitely morally right.
RBI-The Government blames the RBI for not
heeding its wish for an interest rate drop. The significant point to be noted
is that two RBI governors Subbarao and Raghuram Rajan have both taken the same
stance prompting the FM to say that the finance ministry shall “walk alone” if
need be. Clearly a relook at the situation in entirety shall delve light on the
reasons behind the RBI’s actions.
The government breached the FRBMA (Fiscal Responsibility and
Budget Management Act) and created an unsustainable fiscal deficit. It was
partially a consequence of a “financial stimulus” package during 2008-11. There
is a raging debate on whether the third stimulus was necessary, a debate raised
by the current finance minister. Higher fiscal deficit and higher government
borrowing thereof had the unintended consequence of “crowding out private
investment” which combined with other measures spurred inflation- a tax on the
poor.
While MNREGA was intended as a social security measure it had
the unintended consequence of creating labour shortages during the sowing
season and the increase in rural agricultural workers’ wages thereof leading to
demands for increase in MSP (Minimum support price). Increase in wages and the
APMC (Agricultural Produce Marketing Committee) restriction on free flow of
agricultural produce prompted an inflation spiral. The price rise of “onions”
before every election prompts conspiracy theories of a quid pro quo arrangement
of election funding & a consequent government inaction on “black-marketing”
and artificial shortages. Surprisingly, hoarding is not the exclusive domain of
the private entrepreneurs alone. The government is the largest hoarder of food
grains in the country. The food and civil supplies minister did not heed the
court directive to explore possibility of market intervention to cool prices.
Not sure why. Are we staring at another scam of the NSEL variety where stocks
were shown only on paper?
The government has greater fiscal levers at its command as
compared to the fewer monitory levers at the RBI command. The nominal interest
rates are a function of real rate plus inflation rate. The government makes no
attempts to reduce inflation but demands from the RBI a lowering of interest
rates which needless to say is harsh on the depositors since they would have to
live on a real rate of interest which is negative. Just because industry is
demanding a lowering of interest rates, is it morally right to deprive
depositors of a hedge against inflation?
Is it not the problem of a negative real rate of interest that is
pushing investors to put their money into real estate & gold? The
government, instead of appealing to the patriotic fervour and asking them to
desist from buying gold, should make financial investments more attractive.
Allowing the RBI to do its job is the first step.
Way forward
The problems of UPA-II are entirely due to its own policy
paralysis. 2G, coal gate, CWG, scams led to public outrage which found an
outlet through the IAC (India against corruption) movement. This was followed
by the formation of an AAP government in Delhi. However scams of the Augusta
Westland & Robert Vadra variety still followed. If that was not enough, the
government stooped to conquer through the “Retrospective taxation law” which
sent across an image of a perverse regime to the international community. Its
Foreign policy was non coherent & defence preparedness weak due to delayed modernization
plans. Inability to handle the exchange of enclaves with a friendly regime in
Bangladesh as well as “neither bark nor bite” when Chinese troops entered into
Indian Territory convinced people of a regime which was on the brink of a
precipice. Closer home, UPA-II could not enter into any meaningful agreements
with the opposition to make parliament work which gave an impression of an
egoist government if not an ineffective government unable to engage with an
intransigent opposition. Therefore the Congress’s attempt to blame events
beyond its control & institutions simply does not help.
Could the government have acquainted itself better? Yes, by
engaging the services of a better communication team comprising Sachin Pilot,
Sashi Tharoor, Anand Sharma, Chidambaram, Kapil Sibal, & Manish Tiwari
apart from the regulars Abhishek Singhvi and Sanjay Jha as the official
spokespersons. Surely they could have communicated better & influenced
public opinion. As an example, if
opposition ruled states did not agree with coal block auctions the “Coal Gate” mess
created is as much a UPA baby as much as it is of the opposition. However the
opposition, which itself has many skeletons to hide in the states they rule
apart from their complicity in Coal gate, have put up a better show at
defending themselves on national television as well as the press.
It is however to UPA-II’s credit that they did become active
during the last 1.5 years of their tenure and have initiated several measures
including the constitution the CIC (Cabinet committee of Investment) to
accelerate investment & RTF (Right to Food) as a social security tool. As
usual, they have not been able to market either their social security tool “Right
to Food” or their political risky venture of pushing through Telangana with
gusto. They shall lose badly in Seemaandhra and in all probability won’t get to
form a government in Telengana on their own. That has been the story of UPA-II,
of “Missed opportunities”.
With election results expected on May 16, we shall see the
formation of a new government. Whether it would be a NDA government or a Third
front government is a realm of conjecture. However one thing is for sure. The
UPA shall not be forming the next government. Farewell UPA-II.
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