Thursday 28 May 2015

Movie Review: Piku

Piku is the story of a cantankerous “constipated” dad played by Amitabh Bachchan (Bhaskor Banerjee) & his relationship with his fiercely independent daughter, played by Deepika Padukone (Piku) & the trials & tribulations of a cab owner Irrfan Khan (Rana Choudhary), unfortunately, stuck between the two. The movie is replete with humour but does not fall into the genre of a romantic comedy, although it had the potential to evolve into one.

It is a layered movie which explores the different shades of human character that is replete with surprising contradictions. Bhaskor is an eccentric man. He bats for “woman’s liberation” & denounces all women like his wife - condemning them to be of “low IQ” - for sacrificing their careers for the sake of their husbands; contrast this with the selfishness that afflicts him as a septuagenarian that forces him to torpedo his daughter’s marriage proposals - fearing the consequent loneliness.  Rarely do you see a father revealing to a potential suitor that his daughter is “not a virgin” & is “sexually & economically” independent. This hypochondriac’s calls to his daughter on the texture & colour of his poop when she is on a dinner date, destroy whatever little chances there are of consummation of her matrimonial alliance & his untimely calls to her when in office, cause discomfiture & embarrassment. Piku on the other hand is a modern woman who doesn’t hitch snapping back at her dad but loves him deeply & cares for him at her own expense.

Bhaskor - a widower - is a retired Bengali bhadralok living with his daughter Piku – an architect – in New Delhi. Piku’s business partner Jishu Sengupta (Syed) appears to have a soft corner for her & is her protective shield. Her casual reference to “sex” as a “need” - that can be satiated even outside of marriage - reveals the liberal outlook that the country is rapidly rushing towards. That no “moral police” has attacked the film on this count is, indeed, welcome. Moushmi Chatterjee (Masi) - Piku’s maternal aunt - is represented as thrice married that buttresses the “liberal” argument; speaking to Rana she jests that she is ready for a 4th one too. The dinner table discussions of the eclectic family instead of revolving around gastronomic delights ultimately centre on the gastro intestinal track & tummy issues that are indeed hilarious.

Bhaskor’s obsession with his “bowel movements” or rather the lack of it often puts Piku under constant stress. Maids quit unable to accede to his impossible demands: insistence on multiple cleanings of his toilet; & accusations of being kleptomaniacs. Paradoxically, he is an incorrigible salt stealer himself convinced that it is the desired solution to his problem. Perhaps, Bhaskor’s senility causes Piku irritation that finds an outlet on hapless cab drivers leading to many car wrecks; consequently, the drivers express reluctance to offer her their services.  On one such occasion  when one of the drivers - who was supposed to carry the father – daughter duo -  from Delhi to Kolkata – to visit their ancestral home -  fails to appear that the owner of the cab service company,  Rana , shows up & unwitting becomes part of a family drama. The movie is largely based on the encounters during this gloriously riveting road ride.

During the ride & after, Rana provides a rational viewpoint to the eccentric family. He offers his own unsolicited advice to the intractable bowel problem:  “Sitting in the traditional way” rather than the “English way” to exert the right pressure to facilitate “motion”; & a ingesting a traditional recipe of boiled “Tulsi & Pudina”.

The movie without being preachy alludes to the responsibility of the current generation to the geriatric ones. While the tantrums & belligerence of the older generation could be annoying, children cannot shirk their responsibility seems to be the message. Piku shows “how” to shoulder the responsibility. The film also encourages the cognoscenti not to destroy ancient buildings in the name of development; after all buildings are not necessarily built of mortar or stone alone, they carry nostalgic memories which are priceless – something that money cannot buy.

Bhaskor dies at his ancestral home at the end of the movie, post achieving victory over his bowel problem & learning to be at peace with life. Piku is finally liberated.

Big B plays his age & is adorable as the 70 year old while Deepika – in a deglamourized avatar - is lovable as a doting daughter. While Irrfan Khan does not have an author backed role, he allows his eyes to do most of the talking which is a delight.  Jishu & Moushmi are a strong supporting cast. 
The movie is not without its defects. Rana’s family – consisting of his mother & his sister separated from her husband – is introduced at the beginning of the movie but is not explored further. Rana reveals that his sister stole jewels from her mother-in- law to give it to her mother; this strand that highlights the complexity of human relationships, if worked on, could have made the movie much richer. The romantic track between Rana & Piku is not brought to a logical conclusion either.

Shoojit Sircar – the talented maestro - crafted the immensely popular “Vicky donor” (2012) & the thriller “Madras CafĂ©” (2013). While “sperm” was the hero of Vicky Donor, “motion” is the lead actor in Piku. The ability to trend into the realm of the unknown makes Shoojit unique & he does not disappoint yet again.  That family & their foibles when combined with wit & progressive thought can create a heart wrenching story that tugs at your heartstrings was revealed by Hrishikesh Mukherjee; Piku reveals that there is still an audience for his genre of film making. Take a bow, Shoojit Sircar.

Wednesday 27 May 2015

Modi 365

Narendra Modi is celebrating the successful completion of his 1st year in office with the “Jan Kalyan Parv” (People Welfare Festival) - a blitzkrieg that includes 200 press conferences & rallies each along with a 360 degree media campaign. While the govt. pats itself with  the slogan “Saal Ek, Shuruaat Anek” (One Year, Many Beginnings) the Congress lampoons the ruling party with the slogan “Ek Saal, Desh Badhal” (One year, ill-fated Country)  while the CPI(M) adds insult to injury with “Ek Saal, Bura Haal”( One year, Bad Times). Clearly, our rambunctious democracy is at work.

Even the worst critics of the ruling dispensation concede that Modi is the lord of all he surveys – the Govt. & the Party; the current regime, therefore, escapes the plague of “dual power centres” – an accusation that dogged the previous regime. The contrarian view is that if, indeed, Pulak Chatterjee did take all govt. files to Mrs Sonia Gandhi  for direction, then by implication, the entire power lay at 10, Janpath & the accusation of “dual power centres” stands demolished. The net takeaway is that power when denied to the powerful on the issue or constitutionality or otherwise has other unintended consequences. Therefore, let such debates persist in the interest of creating a vibrant democracy.

Modi won a simple majority post a bitter campaign – a no holds barred one – where each of the parties outbid the other in calling names & used the media imaginatively.  In the words of Venkaiah Naidu, the Congress indulged in “corruption everywhere“ - under the ground (Coal Gate), over the ground ( CWG), in the air (2G) & the atmosphere (Antrix). Modi’s suave oratory of combining “2G” & “Jijaji” (Robert Vadra) did touch a chord with the audience & along with the much touted “Gujarat Model” of governance won him a majority – a present denied by the Indian electorate to any party for about quarter of a century.  Clearly, expectations are running high & it is against such pent up demands of an impatient electorate that we evaluate Modi’s contributions during the last one year in office.

Streamlining governance
Modi promised “Minimum Government, Maximum Governance” as part of his election campaign & “walked the talk” by starting his innings with under 50 ministers. By creating a “Margdarshak Mandal” & denying Ministries to his party-men who had crossed the age of 75, Modi has tried to set a retirement age for politicians in a country where politicians die or fade away but never retire; this was a welcome move. However, the paucity of talent in his ministry forced him to enlarge his team. While analysts continued to express their lack of confidence in the “quality of talent” even today the govt. believes that what the Ministers lack in experience is more than made up through hard work. Modi, however, shall be better served by a smaller but more talented team for which he should seek outside talent. For details read

It is to the BJP’s credit that despite all its spokespersons being elevated to the council of Ministers, the new spokespersons who have replaced their illustrious predecessors have distinguished themselves; paradoxically, this indicates the depth of talent in the party which the Ministry lacks.

Modi knows how to play the “Carrot & Stick” game. The Home Secretary, Anil Goswami, was supposedly sacked for trying to prevent the arrest of the Sharada scam accused - the former Congress Minister,  Matang Sinh. On the contrary, by making Nripendra Mishra, the Principal Secretary, through an ordinance route & S Jaishankar the foreign Secretary – unseating the incumbent – just a few days before his retirement, has sent a signal to the bureaucracy that performers shall be disproportionately rewarded; this has the potential to recharge the moribund bureaucracy. Critics agree that Modi has successfully disciplined the bureaucrats and ministers which is a welcome change. However, rumours of surveillance on ministers & media gag orders persist which is discomforting.

The recent arrest of certain elements - on charges of stealing govt. files - has sent a signal to the Industry not to meddle with governance, which is welcome. The govt. proudly claims that political agents & middlemen have been forced to retreat from the corridors of power in Delhi which is a tribute to Modi’s “strong leadership”

Foreign Policy
Modi has brought his own flamboyance & vigour to foreign policy; this was a necessity to gain international visibility after India had fallen off the perch in 2010, affected as she was by corruption allegations & the consequent paralysis of governance.  Modi initiated the “neighbourhood first” policy for regional acceptability is the first step to be crossed before being recognised as a world power. He has successfully strengthening relations with Japan & mended relations with the US – forgiving the sole superpower for denying him a visa during earlier years. The basic tenets of his diplomacy are: Enhance Economic component; Strengthen links with the Indian diaspora; & Smoothen strategic security architecture with like-minded countries; for details see

To contain China, Modi has initiated the “Bharat Mala & Sagar Mala” projects & has countered the Chinese “Road & Belt” project with “The Indian Spice route & Mausam projects”; for details see

The evacuation of 4500 Indians & nationals from 41 countries from war town Yemen as well as instant response to the earthquake in Nepal has enhanced India’s image as a nation; for details see.

However, Modi’s Pakistan policy is floundering post his cancellation of Secy. level talks & to his consternation, Pak is gaining leverage over Afghanistan – where we have strategic assets to protect. Not everything is quiet in the western borders & that is a cause of concern. Likewise, his non- engagement with the Middle-East - which accounts for India's energy security - is bewildering. Perhaps, he has an image to protect.

Economy
The economic mess in ’91 saw the Narsimha Rao govt. take instantaneous decisions, prepared as they were with the blueprint of what was to be done on returning to power; “economic reforms” thus happened. Knowing fully well the precarious status of the Indian economy, it was expected of the BJP to either come prepared with their blueprint or implement the one suggested by the mandarins of the finance ministry as soon as they were in the saddle.  During the course of the campaign, Modi purportedly requesting Arun Shourie to interact with the intelligentsia & the industry to draw up a roadmap for reforms & many analysts believe that he along with Piyush Goel, indeed, worked out the contours of such a policy. It was, therefore, widely expected that Arun Shourie would become the Finance Minister & along with Raghuram Rajan -who was already doing an outstanding job in steadying the financial system - complete a fine picture.

Surprisingly, Arun Jaitley became the finance Minister & his first budget was a rehash of P Chidambaram’s interim budget. With the private sector suffering from overcapacity, infrastructure companies loaded with debt & banks burdened from rising NPA’s , accelerating environment clearances or instituting single window clearances or tweaking of labour laws was unlikely to turn around the investment cycle; public investment would. With the govt. being served an unexpected bonanza in the form of a huge drop in international oil prices, the savings thus achieved should have been immediately deployed into public investments in the first year itself which they didn’t. Jaitley’s 2nd budget did but precious time was lost; for details of union budget 2015 & railway budget 2015 see

Social Affairs
Modi’s penchant for “development” was combined surreptitiously with “communal polarisation” by affiliate organizations at the ground level to gain electoral victories till Delhi stopped the juggernaut. Campaigns such as “Ghar Vapasi” , “Love Jihad” or attack on churches have created a fear psychosis amongst the minorities which does not do bode well for the social fabric of the country. History is witness to the fact that support extended to religious extremist elements like Brindanwale created the Punjab tangle which took more than a decade & the sacrifice of lakhs of lives before normalcy was restored.  With the Middle -East burning due to intra religious conflicts & countries like Nigeria & Myanmar struggling with inter religious ones, it is prudent to avoid religious polarisation as a route to seek power; neither is minority appeasement passing off as secularism or caste polarisation the solution.

Conclusion

That Modi is a hard working Prime Minister is a given. While the “Chai-wala” wearing “pinstipe suits” did cause some rancour, his efforts at rejuvenating the foreign policy and disciplining the bureaucracy has earned many plaudits. The world wants India to succeed & Modi is at the right place at the right time.  He has the potential to provide astute leadership to make India an economic & military power & help India get its rightful place at the high table – a permanent member of the UNSC. However, he has to discipline the fringe elements in his party if he is intent on seeking the stature of an “International statesmen”. Lee Kuan Yew once opined that Nehru was a “demagogue who choose not to be a dictator”. Only Modi has the answers on how he wants the world to remember him.

Wednesday 20 May 2015

The clash of the Titans: Alibaba, Tencent & Baidu

Chinese government policies – protectionist or otherwise – have ended up creating behemoths like the South Korean chaebols. While Alibaba is the e-commerce giant in China with an 80% share, Baidu is the numero uno of Chinese search with about 60% share & Tencent - the largest internet services company in China - owns Wechat, the undisputed king of messaging.

Interestingly Alibaba’s e-commerce dominance is challenged by Tencent & Baidu to protect their own turf while Alibaba has started to challenge the might of the latter two in their areas of dominance. Each of the players is trying to cut into the other's core business either through acquisitions or sometimes through strange tie ups - of the kind listed earlier. Surprisingly, there was little overlap between the players earlier till China became the largest smartphone market & consumers started using those devices for almost everything: shopping, food ordering & booking restaurants, group purchases, taxi hailing, booking tickers for flights, hotels, cinema etc.  The clash of the Titans was therefore inevitable & is now just unfolding.


Tencent has also bought a 15% stake in JD.com - China’s second-largest e-commerce company - to tighten the screws on Alibaba. It has launched ventures to integrate e-commerce and online finance services with WeChat. Simultaneously it has taken a stake in the 2nd largest Chinese search engine Sohu's Sogou too to take on Baidu, It is an interesting battle where Tencent joins hands with Baidu to challenge Alibaba while simultaneously taking on Baidu on search.

Alibaba is not sitting quiet either; it has picked up a stake in Sina Weibo - a twitter equivalent - to take on Tencent's WeChat. Will Alibaba take a stake in Qihoo 360 technologies - that is currently independent - & which runs the 3rd largest search engine in China & provides security software or push its own search engine Shenma? Only time will tell.

O2O (Online – to- offline)
Online-to-offline is the biggest cake in e-commerce; creating a rebound between offline & online by leveraging tech enablers is the way forward.

Dalian Wanda group is China’s biggest commercial land developer. Wanda, Baidu and Tencent have created a joint venture in the ratio 70:15:15 with the aim to take on Alibaba. The new group melds Baidu’s search capabilities and Tencent’s popular WeChat social messaging network with Wanda’s brick-and-mortar infrastructure & will develop services, including online finance that could pose a challenge to Alibaba’s popular banking service, Yu’ebao. Wanda said it estimates its shopping malls and other outlets will attract 5 billion customers a year by 2020, making the company the “world’s largest offline commerce platform.” Wanda hopes that users of Tencent’s QQ instant messaging service & social mobile platform WeChat will become customers at its shopping malls, movie theatres and hotels through this new e-commerce platform. Wanda thus is trying to protect its offline business.
Complementary technologies
The fight for content is getting competitive & uglier with each passing day. Control over delivery vehicles as well as gaming platforms is also getting hastened.

Baidu fired the first salvo by buying Internet video business PPStream Inc. in June 2013 for $370 million and combining it with IQiyi.com, which it acquired in 2012. It intends to buy distribution rights for about 1000 Holywood movie titles,produce 7 local films, buy TV shows, co-produce content & create Chinese adaptations of US content.

Ma responded, in 2014, by buying a stake in Youku Tudou, a Chinese equivalent of Youtube. He also bought a controlling 60% stake in ChinaVision Media Group Ltd for $804 million, giving it access to TV and movie content & diluting Tencent’s stake from 8% to 3%. He has succeeded to hit two birds with oen stone. Along with Ali TV operating system launched in 2013 & mobile gaming platform in 2014, In 2013, Alibaba released a smart TV operating system with Wasu – an internet TV company in which Alibaba acquired a 20% stake for $1.05billion - and a set-top box while in January 2014 it started a platform hosting mobile games to compete with Tencent. Clearly Alibaba is strengthening its content & delivery platforms to take on both rivals Baidu & Tencent.

Mobile
In 2014 Alibaba acquired UCWeb - a web browser & search company – which it combined with UC Mobile - one of its business units – to oversee its browser, mobile search, location-based services, mobile gaming, app store and mobile reader operations. Baidu, reportedly tried to buy UC web in June 2012. The deal with UCWeb – with more than 500 million users globally - is valued at more than double the $1.9 billion that search engine Baidu Inc. paid last year for app store operator 91 Wireless Websoft Ltd. Surely the titans are helping in skyrocketing valuations.

UCWeb has a 50% market share amongst web browsers in China & holds a 35% market share in India. Though Alibaba currently has a dominant market share in mobile e-commerce, analysts believe that smartphone users may gravitate to its rival Tencent - which runs the massively popular WeChat mobile messaging and social-networking application. Alibaba’s moves are to checkmate such a transition. UCWeb will also be able to develop browsers and other tech it needs for its smart TV ecosystem and e-commerce businesses.

Car Apps
E-commerce firms view logistics as the next strategic lever to gain dominance & therefore are buying stakes in taxi apps; delivery through taxis, perhaps, is the way forward. This is another way of monetizing its “mapping” assets.

Hangzhou Kuaidi Technology Co., a taxi-booking service is backed by Alibaba, while Didi Taxi, is backed by Tencent. Alibaba also has a stake in Lyft; Baidu therefore has invested in the San Francisco based Uber & will connect its map and mobile-search features with Uber’s service.

Current Strategic Matrix
The current status of the category presence of each of the titans - either on their own or through a strategic stake buy- is listed below. The listings in “green” indicate the market leader in the US & China. The blank spaces are indicative of potential areas of conflicts; acquisitions or strategic buys would be a logical corollary.

Category
Google
Baidu
Alibaba
Tencent
Market Leader US/China
Search
Google Search
Baidu Search
Aliyun Search
SOSO/Sogou
Google/Baidu
Mobile O/S
Android
Android
Aliyun O/S

Android/
Web Browser
Chrome
Baidu Browser
UCweb
TT (Tencent Traveller)
Chrome/UCweb
Maps
Google Maps
Baidu Ditu
Autonavi

Google/Baidu Ditu
Video
Youtube
Baidu Video/iQiyi
Youku Tudou

Youtube/ Youku Tudou
E-Mail
Gmail



Gmail/
Cloud Storage
Google Drive
Baidu Wangpan
Aliyun Cloud/Kanbox
Tencent Weiyun

Google/Aliyun
Social Network
Google +
Baidu space

Qzone
facebook/
Microblogging


Sina Weibo
Tencent Weibo
Twitter/Sina
Shopping
Google Shopping
Baidu Shopping
Taobao/Alibaba/Tmall
Paipai/ Stake in JD.com
amazon/Taobao
Music
Google Play
Baidu Music
Xiami

Pandora/Xiami
Augmented Reality
Google Glass
Baidu Eye


WIP
Payment
Google Wallet

Alipay
TenPay / Weixin / Payment
Paypal/Alipay
Gaming
Google Play
Baidu Games/91 wireless

QQ game platform

Messenger service
Google Talk


QQ / Weixin / WeChat
/WeChat

Wednesday 13 May 2015

Geopolitics of Infrastructure: India’s “Bharat Mala & Sagar Mala” Vs China’s “Road & Belt”

Prime Minister Modi’s “Bharat mala” project is, perhaps, a successor to Vajpayee’s “Golden quadrilateral” project & his own attempt to leave behind a glowing legacy. The national govt. has also announced plans to connect the “Bharat Mala” project spread across North India, to the “Sagar Mala” project across the south of the Vindhyas to achieve economic & strategic objectives.

The “Bharat Mala” Project
The “Bharat Mala” project envisaged across 13 states on a 5300 Km stretch – starting from Gujarat & passing through Rajasthan, Punjab, J&K, HP,  Uttarakhand, UP, Bihar, Sikkim, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh & ending across the Indo- Myanmar boarder of Manipur & Mizoram - involves an expenditure of Rs 12 – 14000 crores during a 5 year timeframe.  The road adorns the country like a garland & hence the name “Bharat Mala” This has a strategic component - to counter the impressive Chinese network build across the border - & an economic one – to provide accessibility to the boarder hugging regions & improve border trade.

 Critics have, however, argued that, at the current cost of Rs 10 crore per Km, the cost of the project is underestimated & would actually cost Rs 53000 crores. Costs could increase further if Nitin Gadkari’s suggestion of using cement instead of bitumen is accepted. Private participation to fund the difference may not fructify - considering the stretched balance sheets of private infrastructure players - & therefore the onus shall be on the govt. to fund the project; accelerating the environmental clearances & land acquisition process is a prerequisite to complete the project within the stated timelines. This project in fact, is a late realization & a delayed response to the Chinese seamless road infrastructure on the other side & a dire necessity to prevent a repeat of the ignominy of the Indian defeat to the Chinese in 1962.

The “Sagar Mala” Project
The Sagar Mala project, announced with much fanfare, on Aug 15th 2003, by PM Vajpayee, remained in a limbo during the UPA tenure till it was revived again under Modi’s tutelage. The new policy envisages a uniform policy framework for major ports – owned by the centre - & non major ports – owned by the states to develop a holistic policy encompassing the needs of industrialization, trade, tourism & transportation. It involves the development of 10 CER (Coastal Economic Region) along India’s vast 7000KM coastline to create industrial clusters supported by inward linkages through multiple freight options - rail, land & inland waterways - for smooth evacuation of cargo to & from ports. This plan includes development of port-based industrial parks, captive industries and ancillary facilities such as ship repair, shipbuilding, ship-recycling, logistics parks, warehousing, maritime zones/ services, offshore storage, drilling platforms, bunkering, container freight stations, industries requiring significant import of raw materials and industries with large export potential to create more jobs.

C.D. Nandakumar, general secretary of Cochin Port Employees’ Organisation, CITU, expressed a contrarian view; he averred that since the capacity utilization in Kochi port’s container terminal is less than 35% - not much different from many of the other major ports in the country - what is needed is full capacity utilization & not creation of additional capacity. While the same could be true, creation of infrastructure logistics to reduce congestion at ports is definitely an urgent need.

The Chinese “Road & Belt” Project
While we are still deliberating on these issues the Chinese have stolen a march over us. Post creating wonderful infrastructure at home, they now plan to contribute to the infrastructure needs of the world. According to the Asian Development Bank, there is an annual “gap” between the supply and demand for infrastructure spending in Asia alone to the tune of $800 billion. The needs of Africa are over & above that fig. Beijing’s “One Belt, One Road” initiative is an attempt to combine its international strategic goals in Europe, Asia & Africa with its domestic needs.

The “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” are initiatives introduced by President Xi, in the fall of 2013, during visits to Kazakhstan and Indonesia, respectively & are expected to feature prominently in China’s 13th Five-Year Plan (2016-20) “Belt” includes Infrastructure projects that include road and rail routes, oil and natural gas pipelines, from Xi’an in central China, through Central Asia to Europe. The “Road” consists of a network of ports and other coastal infrastructure projects that extend from the East coast of China to Southeast Asia & South Asia and terminate in the northern Mediterranean Sea after covering East Africa. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and New Silk Road Fund (NSRF) shall support the program.

China is suffering from huge industrial overcapacity & the poor international trade environment has now started to bite. While economic development in Coastal China has produced an economic miracle, the southern & western regions of China are still underdeveloped.  The infrastructure project, proposed as part of the “Belt and Road” initiative, is meant as a stimulus to connect the underdeveloped regions - to correct economic disparities - & create an internal economic integration.

The Chinese program is ambitious for it includes efforts to use of the Renminbi by foreign countries, create an “Information Silk Road” linking regional information and communications technology networks, and lower barriers to cross-border trade and investment in the region.

The Uyghur menace in its western quarters – largely in the Xinjiang province of China - is not helping matters. China is attempting to tame the same through an Af-Pak initiative - cutting off potential supply lines to the Uyghurs from their ethnic brethren - & also successfully undermining Indian influence in Afghanistan. President Xi, during his last visit to Pakistan has concluded a $46 billion infrastructure project passing through POK (Pak occupied Kashmir) & ending at the Gwadar port, that not only provides a lifeline to the host country but incidentally runs parallel to the Delhi Mumbai industrial corridor. This corridor is also a solution to the Chinese concerns that the Malacca straits is a potential choke point. They could now suck out oil brought from the Middle East or Africa through Gwadar - thereby reducing their transportation costs - avoiding the circuitous route through Malacca straits. Alternatively, if Pak turns hostile - which is unlikely - they could use their infrastructure built up in Myanmar. They have also burnished their energy security through a “Power of Siberia” project – a $400 billion deal - with Russia to get gas through a pipeline from Siberia to the eastern part of China; the Russians now insist on providing gas through a pipeline across the mountainous Altai region to Xinjiang in Western China that would cost a more modest $10 billion. The Chinese are thus creating various openings to counter a possible choking of their trade routes. 

The Chinese initiatives have created shivers in the neighbourhood & beyond. The US finds its “unipolar” world architecture threatened & is responding with the “pivot to Asia” strategy centered around India.  Russia, which considers the Central Asian region its backyard - its sphere of influence - could lose its leverage in the region - courtesy the “Belt’ project - while the Maritime silk road shall cut the Indian influence in the Indian Ocean Region. The Chinese “string of pearls” strategy of encircling India includes buying influence in Karachi & going forward Gwadar ports in Pakistan, Colombo & Hambantota ports of Sri Lanka, Chittagong in Bangladesh & Sittwe in Myanmar. With friendlier governments, now, in Sri Lanka & Bangladesh, we can expect a more reasoned & balanced response; however, the threat on the western front from Pakistan is real & could only flare up further unless a process of re-engaging Pakistan is initiated. Cricket diplomacy would be a good starting point.

Suggested Indian Response
India should seriously consider connecting the “Bharat mala” project to the Myanmar, Thailand road project & extend it further into the ASEAN for greater economic integration. The SPV announced in Budget 2015 planning establishment of industrial units in Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos & Vietnam should be integrated with such a road project. While China is keen on the BCIM (Bangladesh, China, India Myanmar) road project, India should initiate its own BBNIM (Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, India, Myanmar) project. Integrating the “Bharat Mala” project to BBNIM is recommended. The US is keen on a quad core - US-Australia-Japan-India co-operation – engagement; India should
integrate Vietnam too into the grouping to strengthen the “resistance”.  Accelerating the Indian “Spice Route” across 31 countries - Afghanistan, Burma, China, Denmark, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, France, Germany, Greece, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Italy, Jordan, Lebanon, Malaysia, Mozambique, Netherlands, Oman, Pakistan, Portugal, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Spain, Sri Lanka, Syria, Turkey, UK and Yemen - & the “Mausam” projects is necessary to maintain India’s dominance between the African coast & the Malacca straits. Finally & most importantly, India needs to correct the perception of being seen as a “bullying big brother” in the region; paradoxically that shall help it achieve a lasting “leadership”.